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The aftershocks
of the 2006
election
earthquake will
reverberate
through the
federal scene
for years to
come, profoundly
affecting
governance,
policy, and
politics.
Success or
failure in the
next two years
in particular
will cement the
final legacy of
the Bush
Administration,
signal the
revival or
demise of the
Reagan
Revolution, and
demonstrate
whether newly
empowered
Democrats can
consolidate
their
congressional
gains and use
them as a
springboard to
retake the White
House.
How President
Bush handles his
lame duck status
is the key
indicator. He
can retreat and
work on his golf
game (not in his
character),
begin to
exercise his
veto pen (will
the minority GOP
support him?),
or triangulate
and compromise
(as president
Clinton did).
Triangulation is
the path the
President is
most likely to
pursue, if his
dismissal of
Defense
Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld and his
initial
conversations
with incoming
Speaker Nancy
Pelosi and
Majority Leader
Harry Reid are
any indication.
It is doubtful
the GOP House
Minority will be
much of a force
in these
deliberations,
although their
GOP Senate
counterparts,
with their power
to filibuster,
will be crucial
to every
negotiation.
Since the
President can
count on Senate
Republicans to
bottle up policy
excesses
potentially
passed by an
activist,
liberal House of
Representatives
such as tax cut
rollbacks or a
defunding of the
Iraq war, the
initial list of
“triangulated”
policies is
limited.
Education issues
such as
increasing
student
financial aid
limits and the
repassage of the
No Child Left
Behind Act
are likely
candidates for
compromise.
Bush and GOP
presidential
front-runner
Senator John
McCain seem
willing to deal
on the
immigration
issue, but
Democrats have
yet to signal
that this
politically
charged issue is
one of their top
priorities. This
is a noteworthy
signal of just
how serious the
Democrats are
about keeping
their new
congressional
majority. After
punishing the
GOP at the polls
by rallying
Hispanics and
the immigrant
community on
immigration, the
Democrats are
now shelving the
action on
comprehensive
reform. Equally
contentious
issues such as a
new energy tax,
spending bills,
and a reopening
of the Medicare
drug benefit
also are prime
candidates for
legislative
gridlock.
Underscoring all
of this is of
course,
politics. House
and Senate
Republicans will
be desperate to
regain their
majorities and
will run away
from the Bush
Administration
if they perceive
the Bush-Cheney
term as a drag
on their
prospects.
Interestingly,
the President
planted the
seeds for his
lame duck status
six years ago
with his
selection of
Dick Cheney and
Cheney’s
subsequent
announcement not
to seek the
presidency. Vice
Presidents
seeking the
presidency
provide useful
political stroke
in the last two
years of a
presidency.
They help keep
rivals at bay,
mute criticism
of the
incumbent, and
keep the party
apparatus united
and loyal.
All of this is
absent as the
GOP enters the
post-Bush era,
so to maintain
his relevance
and viability,
the President
will have to
make
triangulation,
or the veto pen,
work for him to
regain his
standing with
the public.
House and Senate
Republicans have
equally daunting
tasks before
them. To regain
their majority,
the House GOP
will need to
focus on 18 of
the 30 seats
that they lost,
which are in
districts won by
Bush in 2004.
These seats are
the easiest to
take back,
especially if
their occupants
end up acting
like loopy
liberals (my
number one
candidate for
this: Carol
Shea-Porter who
won in New
Hampshire’s 1st
District).
Senate
Republicans face
a double whammy:
losing their
majority in 2006
when more
Democrats seats
were at risk;
and attempting
to regain the
majority in 2008
when more
Republican than
Democrat seats
are at risk.
Twenty-one GOP
seats (four in
“blue” states)
are up in 2008,
while only
twelve
Democratic seats
(six in “red”
states) are up
for grabs.
Retirements also
are a looming
difficulty for
the GOP
congressional
minority. Unlike
congressional
Democrats – many
of whom have no
interest in a
livelihood
outside of
politics (think
John Dingell,
John Conyers,
Charlie Rangel)
– Republicans
are more likely
to return home
to family and
friends outside
of the
Washington, DC
beltway when
subjected to
minority status.
If key House and
Senate
Republicans
choose the
retirement
option, the
additional
challenge of
holding on to
their seats will
make it more
difficult to win
back the
majority.
The Presidential
campaign will
play a large
part in
determining
whether there
will be a pro-
or
anti-Republican
wave in 2008.
Among
Republicans,
Senator McCain
is best
positioned to
take advantage
of the current
sour national
political mood
by virtue of his
independence and
reputation for
straight talk.
The possible
emergence of
former New York
Mayor Rudy
Giuliani as a
presidential
candidate is a
cause for worry
for McCain, as
is the emergence
of a single
conservative
challenge once
the GOP field
winnows.
On the Democrat
side, Senator
Barack Obama cut
Hillary
Clinton’s lead
in half as the
presumptive
front-runner,
just by
mentioning he
was considering
making the race.
If Obama does
run, political
oddsmakers may
need to
recalculate Ms.
Clinton’s
prospects.
Additionally,
waiting in the
wings is New
York Mayor
Michael
Bloomberg, who
is reported to
have a third
party
presidential run
under active
consideration.
The non-flashy
and competent
Bloomberg will
be a welcome
contrast to the
likes of Ross
Perot, Pat
Buchanan, and
Ralph Nader, all
colorful but
kooky former
third party
candidates who
ended up in the
remainder bin of
political
history.
President Bush
and Republicans
need to learn
from their
mistakes, return
to core
principles, and
correct the
ethics,
profligate
spending, and
the out-of-step
image that
plagued them in
2006. Only with
this type of
course
correction can
the GOP regain
its
congressional
majority and
hold the White
House.
Democrats will
need to show
they can govern
from the center
and deliver more
than just
anti-GOP
rhetoric to the
voters.
The ultimate
question from
the 2006 verdict
is that once
America knows
where both
parties want to
lead the
country, is that
where America
really wants to
go?
RF
Richard N. Bond
is a former
Chairman of the
Republican
National
Committee. |